FPI Bulletin: How the Obama Administration should follow up on its rhetoric on rights in China
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From FPI Director of
Democracy and Human Rights Ellen Bork
"Deplorable.” That’s how Secretary of State Hillary Clinton described
China’s human rights record in an interview
with Jeffrey Goldberg of The Atlantic. Obama administration
officials have been talking about human rights in China a lot lately.
Vice President Joe Biden, Secretary Clinton, and other top State
Department officials, including Michael Posner (who gave a very negative
assessment after the U.S-China Human Rights Dialogue in Beijing) have
all spoken up.
Is there anything new here? At the opening of the U.S.-China Strategic
and Economic Dialogue in Washington this week, Secretary Clinton
asserted that “over the long arch of history...societies that work
toward respecting human rights are going to be more prosperous, stable,
and successful.” This is not so different from the approach President
Bush took, insisting that respect for human rights and political
liberalization serve China's own interests.
Arguing for “stability” as the rationale for political liberalization
and respect for human rights has a built-in contradiction. It suggests
that China’s communist leaders will see the wisdom of letting go of
power. Unfortunately, they don’t see things that way. They are keen to
keep the Chinese Communist Party in power and claim that American
overtures on human rights and democracy are part of a plot to destroy
China.
Secretary Clinton’s remarks about China do not seem to reflect any
wisdom gained from the experience of the Arab spring – that stability by
dictatorial regimes is illusory, and support for that kind of stability
is counterproductive and immoral. If China’s people, no less than
Arabs, have a right to emerge from decades of repression, American
rhetoric and actions must reflect it. If there is nothing behind the
talk, then more than language will have been degraded. Washington will
be seen as weak and China and other dictatorships will be emboldened.
What kinds of things could be done?
Washington should convene a meeting of foreign ministers from democratic
countries in Asia and Europe to agree on basic principles for
supporting democracy in China. These principles should include aid to
human rights activists and democrats in Hong Kong, Tibet and East
Turkestan, or what China calls Xinjiang.
Lobsang Sangay, the newly elected leader of the democratic Tibetan exile
government, should be included in any future meeting between President
Obama and the Dalai Lama. President Obama should also meet Rebiya
Kadeer, the exile Uyghur leader, as President Bush did.
The Obama administration has batted down a report that it was
considering visa restrictions for Chinese officials and their families
in response to the ongoing crackdown on dissidents, but denying entry to
the U.S. for Chinese officials involved in repression seems like an
obvious thing to do.
For Congress, the confirmation hearing for Gary Locke to be the next
American ambassador to Beijing presents an opportunity for a discussion
of the administration’s thinking on human rights and how it will be put
into practice.
That democracy is a universal value embraced by Chinese rather than a
foreign concoction has been demonstrated time and time again by Chinese
activists and intellectuals willing to go to jail and suffer for their
beliefs. Democracy as an objective of Chinese people has been expressed
in Charter 08, a blueprint for a democratic China, signed by thousands
including the imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo. American
policy should take the CCP canard about democracy as a foreign plot head
on.
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