Open Letter to President Obama: Secure Ukraine, Isolate Russia, and Strengthen NATO
Kali McNutt, FPI Director of External Affairs
WASHINGTON, D.C. —- See more at: http://www.foreignpolicyi.org/content/open-letter-president-obama-turkey#sthash.WUnee2MP.dpuf
Kali McNutt, FPI Director of External Affairs
205-527-9508 or email@example.com
WASHINGTON, D.C. — Fifty-six former U.S. government officials and foreign policy experts have signed a bipartisan letter to President Barack Obama, urging a decisive response to Russia’s actions in Ukraine. The group recommends responsible steps “to strengthen Ukraine’s sovereignty and democratic transition, to impose real costs on the government of President Vladimir Putin, and to enhance the deterrence posture of NATO.”
The full text of the letter follows. The letter was organized by the Foreign Policy Initiative (FPI), a non-profit and non-partisan 501(c)3 organization that promotes U.S. diplomatic, economic, and military engagement in the world.
March 21, 2014
The Honorable Barack Obama
President of the United States of America
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. President:
As Russia moves ahead with its illegal annexation of Crimea, we share your determination to “isolate Russia for its actions and to reassure our allies and partners.” America’s next steps should be designed to strengthen Ukraine’s sovereignty and democratic transition, to impose real costs on the government of President Vladimir Putin, and to enhance the deterrence posture of NATO.
Russia’s invasion of Crimea threatens the democracy that the Ukrainian people have sacrificed so much to achieve. A critical test of Ukraine’s newfound freedom will be its presidential elections on May 25, which Russia may seek to disrupt. As you have noted, Russia must recognize “the rights of all Ukrainians to determine their future as free individuals, and as a sovereign nation.” In order to help Ukraine secure its democratic transition, the United States should:
- Provide Ukraine’s transitional government with technical expertise, international monitors, and other assistance for the May presidential election. The United States should also enhance support for the civil institutions that are necessary to consolidate Ukraine’s democratic gains.
- Approve loan guarantees to help stabilize the Ukrainian economy, while working with the European Union, the International Monetary Fund, and other partners to provide long-term support for economic reforms in Ukraine.
- Conduct an assessment of Ukraine’s self-defense needs and expand the scope and scale of U.S. military assistance available to the government of Ukraine, including intelligence sharing, training, and other support for Ukrainian forces, in coordination with NATO and the European Union.
Washington and its international partners should also impose real costs on Vladimir Putin and his key supporters. In this effort, we must distinguish between the corrupt regime surrounding Putin, and the Russian people who are the victims of his misrule. In this regard, it is essential to fully utilize the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012 and other legal authorities to sanction gross human rights violators in Russia. The United States should:
- Increase the number of Russian officials who are subject to sanctions, including President Putin and those closest to him, both for their role in the invasion of Ukraine and the gross violations of human rights described under the Magnitsky Act.
- Expand the scope of sanctions in order to isolate Russian financial institutions and businesses that are either complicit in Russia’s invasion in Ukraine or support the regime of Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad. The designation of Bank Rossiya is an important first step in this effort.
- Expose the extent of political and economic corruption among the senior leadership of the Russian Federation, including an unclassified report on the assets of President Putin and other senior Russian officials.
- Suspend all civil nuclear cooperation pursuant to the “123” Agreement that was entered into force between the United States and the Russian Federation in December 2010.
Russia’s intervention in Ukraine poses a threat to all its neighbors, including our NATO allies among the Baltic States and Poland. We believe that the United States and its NATO partners must reexamine commitments under the 1997 NATO-Russia Founding Act to refrain from deploying additional forces into former Warsaw Pact countries, as Russia’s recent actions demonstrate that the “current and foreseeable security environment” described in the Act has changed. In this regard, the United States should:
- Conduct an assessment on how to strengthen NATO’s deterrence posture vis-à-vis Russia, including the deployment of additional ground forces, missile defenses, or other assets to former Warsaw Pact members of NATO. Your deployment of U.S. fighter aircraft to Poland and the Baltic States is an important first step in this regard.
- Press America’s NATO allies to agree to a Membership Action Plan for Georgia at the NATO Summit scheduled for September 2014, while expanding U.S. military rotations to Georgia. The United States should also support Ukraine, Sweden, Finland, and other European security partners, if they seek NATO membership.
- Work to reduce European dependence on Russian natural gas, including by expanding liquefied natural gas exports from the United States, as well as supporting new pipelines into the Continent and other proposals to diversify Europe’s energy supplies, such as developing indigenous natural gas reserves.
We believe that these responsible steps will be essential to secure Ukraine’s future, to deter the Putin government from further acts of aggression, and to strengthen the NATO alliance and other security partnerships. We thank you for your consideration, and look forward to supporting you in taking these measures.
|Ambassador Victor Ashe||James Kirchick|
|Dr. Michael Auslin||David Kramer|
|Dan Blumenthal||William Kristol|
|Ambassador John R. Bolton||Dr. Robert J. Lieber|
|Max Boot||Senator Joseph I. Lieberman|
|Ellen Bork||Tod Lindberg|
|Ambassador L. Paul Bremer||Mary Beth Long|
|Senator Norm Coleman||Dr. Thomas G. Mahnken|
|Ambassador William Courtney||Robert C. McFarlane|
|Seth Cropsey||David A. Merkel|
|Jack David||Thomas C. Moore|
|Dr. Larry Diamond||Dr. Joshua Muravchik|
|Ambassador Paula J. Dobriansky||Andrew S. Natsios|
|Thomas Donnelly||Governor Tim Pawlenty|
|Dr. Colin Dueck||Dr. Martin Peretz|
|Dr. Nicholas N. Eberstadt||Danielle Pletka|
|Ambassador Eric S. Edelman||Arch Puddington|
|Douglas J. Feith||Dr. Michael Rubin|
|Dr. Jeffrey Gedmin||Daniel F. Runde|
|Reuel Marc Gerecht||Randy Scheunemann|
|Christopher J. Griffin||Dr. Gary J. Schmitt|
|General Michael Hayden||Dan Senor|
|Dr. William C. Inboden||Vance Serchuk|
|Ash Jain||Dr. Daniel Twining|
|Dr. Kenneth D. M. Jensen||Ambassador Kurt Volker|
|Ambassador Robert G. Joseph||Dr. Kenneth R. Weinstein|
|Dr. Frederick W. Kagan||Leon Wieseltier|
|Craig Kennedy||Robert Zarate|
The Foreign Policy Initiative seeks to promote an active U.S. foreign policy committed to robust support for democratic allies, human rights, a strong American military equipped to meet the challenges of the 21st century, and strengthening America’s global economic competitiveness.